A Way to Remedying Historical Wrongs in the Continent of Military Coups

A Way to Remedying Historical Wrongs in the Continent of Military Coups

By A. E. SOUAIAIA^†
August 16, 2005

Generally, Africa is known to the rest of the world for its struggles dealing with famine, poverty, racism, and drought. However there is another phenomenon that characterizes governance in that continent: armed coups undertaken that overthrow a regime and replaces it with another only to be overthrown in a similar fashion. In some cases, these extraordinary abrupt changes are caused by failure of the ruling establishments in the continent to relieve the economic pressures and social inequalities from which many African communities have suffered since the end of colonialism. In the case of the most recent coup d'état that took place in Mauritania on Wednesday August 3 2005 as is the case with most other coups, I would argue that its causes were mainly political. I will draw some parallelism between what happened in Mauritania and similar events that took place in Tunisia in the 1980s and 90s and Algeria in the 1990s to make this point clear. I would argue also that the free world’s reaction to such events is counterproductive. In a time when super powers like the US and the UK are justifying their military interventions by the need to promoting democracy in the developing world in general and the Muslim world in particular, recognizing regimes that usurp power in fact contributes to the problems of the continent and alienates more Africans and Muslims.

For nearly thirty years since it’s gained its independence from France, Tunisia had been ruled by the self-proclaimed “Grand Mujahid” Habib Bourguiba who was somehow granted a card blanche to rule the country for life. The free hand he was allowed generously rewarded those who agreed with him and mercilessly oppressed any individual or group that challenged his status and his popularity. Prime ministers like Mohammed Mzali and el-Hadi Nouira who became very popular in the 80s were dismissed and political groups like harakat al-ittjah al-islami (Islamic Trend Movement, MTI, then led by the now exiled Rachid al-Ghannouchi) was criminalized and its members were tortured and imprisoned. In 1986, when the courts issued relatively light sentences to the top leadership of the group, Bourguiba demanded that they are retried and that Ghannouchi is put to death. Faced with total collapse of the regimes credibility, the ruling party’s vanguards orchestrated a bloodless coup d'état and removed Bourguiba on November 7, 1987.

The new regime led by General Zine el Abidine Ben Ali promised a new era for Tunisians: democracy, openness, and term limits. During the first three years (1987-90), Ben Ali did away with all the conditions that brought the country to the brink of chaos. He released political prisoners including the Islamist group’s leadership, allowed more religious expressions into the public domain (such as the interruption of programming to broadcast the call to prayer on state-run TV and Radio stations), amended the so-called constitution to impose term limits, reformed the educational system, and encouraged entrepreneurship and supported small businesses through grants and tax incentives.

The first test however came in 1989 when the first elections were held. Running virtually unchallenged, he received the infamous 99.27% of the votes. In the parliamentary races, the Islamists who were not recognized as a political party supported independent candidates and managed to attract the support of nearly 30% of the voters. However, since the election laws were designed in a way where the winner-gets-all, that strong showing did not translate into any real representation. As a result of these new realities, Ben Ali embarked on a campaign to crush the MTI, which (despite its attempts to comply with restrictions changed its name to al-Nahdah Movement) was banned and its leadership went into exile. With al-Nahdah out and faced with ineffective opposition, Ben Ali changed the election laws again and created a quota-system that would guarantee the opposition parties a certain number of seats. This act of political charity, brought in the name of “managed democracy”, did not boost the public’s confidence in the political process. Ultimately, Ben Ali won in 1994 and 1999 with the usual 99%.

Although the constitution he put out after the ouster of Bourguiba explicitly limits any one person from occupying the presidency for more than three consecutive terms, he nonetheless called for amending the constitution and imposed an age limit instead of a term limit; which would guarantee him a fifth term in office.

In Mauritania, a similar process (military coup) brought Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya to power in 1984. Taya governed with an iron fist and most recently used the pretext of the global “war on terror” to reign in any political threat. For instance, the regime repeatedly refused to even allow representatives of al-Multaqa al-Dimuqrati (the Democratic Forum) to hand in the application for “licensing” the party so that they would not be allowed to campaign while the application was pending. In the 1990s, he attempted to legitimize his rule through elections that the opposition says were rigged. Since then, Taya dealt ruthlessly with those who opposed him. Just one day after the last presidential ballot in 2003, Taya's security forces arrested the man who had been his main challenger in the vote, Mohamed Ould Khouna Haidalla. In all, he survived three coup attempts, including one in 2003 marked by several days of fighting in the capital.

In Algeria a military junta removed President Ben Djedid in 1992 and cancelled the nation’s first free elections. As a result, the country plunged into a civil war that devastated the economy and caused the death of more than 150,000 people.

The number of cases supporting this trend is not insignificant and the similarities are compelling. In addition to the three specific cases I briefly introduced above (Tunisia, Mauritania, and Algeria), one need only to review the coups that took place in other African and Muslim countries to see the pervasiveness of this problem that is contributing to the economic and political problems of the African continent in general and the Muslim world in particular. Most African countries earned independence in the second half of the 20^th century. Since 1960, over 40 coups have taken place in Africa and the West accepted them (see addendum).

The transition of power in the African continent is a peculiar process: it shows African communities as living entities that endures tyranny and despotism, but right before reaching the breaking point, safety valves are activated in order to release all the frustration and disappointments. It is as if the entire continent goes through the same rituals of celebration, disappointment, oppression, and controlled relief that merely recycles the faces but maintains the illegitimate process. As soon as such a system is recognized, business-as-usual pattern is back on track. As a result, the entire continent suffers from chronic lack of all and any long term economic and social agendas that could alleviate the pains caused by colonialism, hunger, poverty and civil wars. Most of these countries with political instability enjoy huge reservoirs of natural resources, be it petroleum, natural gas, precious metals, or minerals. Yet, political corruption and the lack of civil institutions are keeping these countries from establishing any degree of confidence in the political process.

What is of interest to the observer of these events is the Western world’s reactions and the damage such reactions inflict on the process of development and progress in a continent where living standards is embarrassingly appalling. For instance, US government (like African Union) officials had condemned the coup in Mauritania, but later recognized the junta's control. On the surface, it seems that the fact the new regime has promised to hold elections in two years and has assured foreign oil companies, which are expected to pump Mauritania's first oil next year, and that they will honor existing contract all but relieved the Western jitters. The long term effects and the perception of supporting non-elected regimes did not appear to bother the “merchants of democracy and freedom” in Western capitals.

One might conclude that once the Western governments are assured that their interests are safeguarded and that the regimes brought by coups are moderate (which generally mean friendly to the West), they are recognized as “legitimate” regimes. In doing so, civil and institutional organizations that are the back bone of democratic societies are sacrificed. It should be noted however that what may be seen by the West as political expediency is seen by ordinary Africans and Muslims as double-standard and political hypocrisy.

In a recent gathering of the Group of 8 which is more or less the club of the most affluent nations on earth, the leaders acknowledged the African problem and showed some concern to the point of offering help by forgiving some debt and increasing aid to some African nations. These countries now recognize that a poor and devastated Africa is a detrimental to the welfare of entire world. Nonetheless, given the reaction to this recent political development in Mauritania, I would argue that Western leaders are yet to recognize that short-term solutions do not work. They do not work because they keep supporting corrupt regimes without bringing real change that will stimulate and support the creation of civil institutions. It may be the case that the new generals who come to power are genuinely committed to the welfare of their people. But it is necessarily the case that these generals came to power through illegitimate and unacceptable means. Unless the world community puts an end to this trend that is devastating Africa, this vicious cycle will continue to bring about instability and generate more cynicism.

Western nations cannot have their cake and eat at the same time. Either the new regime is recognized on account of a coup being necessary to remove a corrupt and brutal one which would then require that the leaders of old regime are tried for any alleged crimes and human rights violations, or that the old regime has done no wrong which would require of the world community to not recognize any individual or group of individuals who use military force to remove an established legitimate government. Trying a deposed leader who is accused of exceeding his limits is a moral commitment on the part of the Western world to the values they preach. Supporting legitimate governments (no matter how unfriendly in the short term to the West) is a deterrent to ambitious generals and genuine commitment to the upholding the will of the peoples. Dealing with illegitimate regimes such as the one in Mauritania as a matter of fait accompli only encourages future acts of violence and drains the political capital of the West in the eyes of Africans and Muslims.

It is true that coups such as the ones that took place in Mauritania and Tunisia may have averted a civil and bloody conflict. However, if we were to accept such and excuse, then what would stop a tyrant from using this same path to take over in a country and ruin it from the top down. In order to offer meaningful and lasting help to a hurting continent that has suffered long and hard, usurpation of power ought not to be tolerated. Africans are more in need for the Western world’s commitment to protecting their civil institutions than for debt-forgiveness and short-sighted policies. Similarly, if the West insists and helps to bring deposed dictators to just, that will be the best deterrent and may well stop future leaders from torturing political prisoners and persecuting opponents and minorities.

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Addendum

Year	Country	Some details
1960	Congo	General Mobutu
1963	Togo	Coup deposes President Olympio who gets killed in the process
1963	Congo-Brazzaville	Abbe' Youlou overthrown
1963	Dahomey	Colonel Sogho overthrows President Maga
1964	Gabon	Coup d'etat occurred but was reversed by French forces
1965	Algeria	Colonel Boumedienne overthrows President Ben Bella
1965	Dahomey	Second coup
1965	Burundi	Army officers overthrow the monarchy
1966	Central Africa Republic	President David Dacko is ousted by Colonel Jean Bokassa
1966	Upper Volta	Colonel Lamizana overthrows President Yamego
1966	Nigeria	General Ironsi took over after a coup led by young officers
1966	Ghana	General Ankrah overthrows President Kwame Nkruma
1966	Nigeria	General Gowon overthrows General Ironsi
1966	Burundi	Another coup brings Captain Micombero to power
1967	Sierra Leone	Lieutenant Colonel Juxon-Smith overthrows President Margai
1967	Togo	Lt. Eyadema became president in a bloodless coup
1967	Algeria	A failed second coup attempt
1968	Sierra Leone	Another coup removes Lieutenant Colonel Juxon-Smith
1968	Mali	Lieutenant Moussa Traore overthrows President Keita
1969	Sudan	Free Officers' Movement take over power
1969	Libya	Qadhafi overthrows King Idris
1969	Somalia	President Ibrahim Egal was assassinated in military coup led by Maj.-Gen.Muhammad Siad Barre
1971	Uganda	Milton Obote was overthrown in army coup led by Idi Amin
1973	Rwanda	Maj-Gen. Habyarimana overthrows Gregoire Kayibanda in military coup
1975	Nigeria	military coup led by Obasanjo overthrows General Gowon
1977	Seychelles	Seychelles earned independence 1976 and James Mancham became president. Then Rene ousted Mancham in a bloodless coup and took over presidency
1978	Ghana	Jerry Rawlings overthrows Col. Acheampong, Jerry Rawlings was elected president 1992
1980	Liberia	President Tolbert was assassinated in military coup led by Sgt. Samuel Doe
1984	Guinea	Conte takes power after the death of president Sekou Toure
1987	Tunisia	Ben Ali removes Bourguiba in a bloodless coup
1987	Burundi	Tutsi Maj.Buyoya overthrows Jean-Baptiste Bagaza
1989	Sudan	Gen.Omar al-Bashir overthrows Sadiq al-Mahdi
1990	Chad	President Habre was ousted after the army was defeated by Libyan-backed rebel troops led by Habre's former ally Idriss Deby
1991	Somalia	General Aidid
1992	Algeria	Military junta removes President Ben Djedid who allowed a free election that brought conservative Islamists to power
1994	Gambia	Yahya Jammeh overthrows Dawda Jawara
1997	Congo (Kinshasa)	Laurent Kabila overthrows Mobutu Sese Seko
1997	Sierra Leone	Johnny Paul Koroma overthrows President Kabbah
1999	Comoros	army coup led by Col.Azali Assoumani overthrows the government
1999	Niger	Maj. Daouda Mallam Wanke overthrows President Ibrahim Barre Mainassara
2005	Mauritania	Military junta removes Taya