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 Failed Policies Masked by Cosmetic Procedures

By A.E. SOUAIAIA

May 2004

There is no doubt that this US administration has failed in its assessment of the Iraqi threat, in its strategy to deal with the presumed threat, in is estimations of the Iraqis’ tolerance to occupation, in its post-war governance, and in its plan and implementation of the historical responsibility it shouldered by venturing into international affairs. Here are just some of the examples of the hesitant and badly planned steps and the bill of mismanagement and lack of steady leadership. The receding rhetoric from the war camp and their failed predictions are strong indications of an administration that is arrogant and that continues to run forward from its mistakes.

The “shock and awe” that was promised by Donald H. Rumsfeld and the so-called administration's hawks are real: people all over the world are indeed “in shock and awe” at how low the credibility of this country has sunk since the launch of the Iraq war. The murder, torture and abuse of prisoners will undoubtedly figure to be the straw that broke the camel’s back. This administration claims that it does not govern according to polls and incidental events, but the fact that the president speaks to the American public on the heels of every positive or negative event shows that the handlers of the leaders of this administrations manage every thing in terms of political gains. The most recent address by the president is a good example of their skill in spinning events at crucial political times. Just as his approval rating dropped to an all time low since he took office, Bush talked to the nation. Here is what he had to say and thereafter the reality on the ground as it can been seen by an informed citizen (excerpts from the speech are colored).

I've come here tonight to report to all Americans, and to the Iraqi people, on the strategy our nation is pursuing in Iraq and the specific steps we're taking to achieve our goals.” The president is launching a new effort to stem the plummeting loss in public confidence in his Iraq policy and to tell us that he has yet another new strategy. Had this administration articulated a clear and solid strategy before the war, we would not be in this situation. So this is a good example of trying to tell people that every thing is going according to plan; and no one believes that claim after the many changes of course since he declared the end of combat a year ago.

Mr. Saleem was assassinated by terrorists seeking the return of tyranny and the death of democracy. We've also seen images of a young American facing decapitation. This vile display shows a contempt for all the rules of warfare and all the bounds of civilized behavior. It reveals a fanaticism that was not caused by any action of ours and would not be appeased by any concession.” The assassination and decapitation are criminal acts that could never be justified. But after the revelations of torture and abuse of prisoners in the hands of the US troops, and the illegality of indefinite detention of hundreds of prisoners after the invasion of Afghanistan, this regime has lost the moral clout to appeal to fair and human “rules of warfare and all the bounds of civilized behavior.” The perpetrators of car bombings and decapitation are recognized as terrorists and criminals as the president himself admits. No one expects criminals to abide by the rules of engagement. But the entire world expects a self-proclaimed democracy and champion of human rights to live by the treaties and laws they adopted and ratified. Yes terrorists’ actions may not be “caused by any action of ours” but terrorists could and did justify their crimes as a payback for the torture and abuse of Iraqi prisoners. It is an application of the childish and unoriginal thinking based on the cliché “whatever you do I can do better.” The worst may yet to come as those images of humiliated Iraqis will be featured in extremists' recruitment literature and media. Sure one may not be able to appease them by any concession; but failure to win the hearts and minds of Iraqis and Muslims around the world is in fact the best way to appease them: those images are the best gift you can offer an entity that builds its strength on the distrust of the US rhetoric.

We suspect that the man with the knife was an al-Qaida associate named Zarqawi. He and other terrorists know that Iraq is now the central front in the war on terror, and we must understand that as well.” Until a little over a year ago, Iraq, just like all other Arab regimes, was not a democracy. It was ruled by a self-serving clique that appeases some and abuses others. There was no link whatsoever between that regime and al-Qaida. In fact Saddam was a sworn enemy of al-Qaida and similar groups. The war that was initiated by this administration is the one responsible for opening this brutal front of violence and mayhem. What we must understand is that this new front was unnecessarily created and it diverged resources from the real front of the war against extremism and terrorism. Moreover, this front that the administration has opened in Iraq was the primary cause of the loss of goodwill and universal sympathy after the 911 attacks. Recently, the London-based the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) think-tank warned that it was the Iraq war that extended the reach and recruiting ability of al-Qaida. "In counter-terrorism terms, the intervention has arguably focused the energies and resources of al-Qaeda and its followers while diluting those of the global counter-terrorism coalition that appeared so formidable following the Afghanistan intervention in late 2001," it said in its annual Strategic Survey 2003/2004.

These elements of Saddam's repressive regime and secret police have reorganized, rearmed and adopted sophisticated terrorist tactics. They've linked up with foreign fighters and terrorists. In a few cities, extremists have tried to sow chaos and seize regional power for themselves.” The logic in this claim and in previous claims is exactly the very same danger a war was destined to create. The blurring of lines between legitimate resistance and criminal acts is feared to legitimize terrorism. The simplistic approach that seeks to designate everyone who opposes the US policies and actions as being “against us” is more harmful than helpful. Doing so amounts to labeling all the people of Iraq as “terrorists.” The resistance fighters are clearly more than former Saddam henchmen and foreign terrorists. In many cities they seem to even enjoy the overwhelming support of the citizens. They are sheltered and protected by the residents of these towns and villages. Furthermore, in the most recent poll, 80 percent of Iraqis surveyed reported a lack of confidence in the Coalition Provisional Authority, and 82 percent said they disapprove of the United States and allied militaries in Iraq. According to the most recent survey obtained by the Chicago Tribune over the weekend of May 22 2004, 90 percent of Iraqis consider U.S. troops to be "occupiers" rather than "liberators." Military power translates into violence, killing, and destruction and they are far from being a good ambassador to civil societies . Even American citizens would not tolerate the presence of heavily armed US troops in the streets of their cities; so how could we expect the Iraqis to accept foreigners on their land especially after the broadcasting of the horrible pictures of American troops with the US flags on their uniforms humiliating their countrymen?

On the UN role in Iraq, the President said that “America fully supports Mr. Brahimi's efforts, and I have instructed the Coalition Provisional Authority to assist him in every way possible.” That statement is representative of shifting positions every time the administration hits a hurdle. From the start of planning for this war until very recently, the administration contributed to the discrediting of UN more than in its prestige. More and more people in the Muslim world now see the UN as a tool in the hands of the US and the veto-wielding powers. The military action was not authorized by the Security Council and the role of the UN was kept marginal. In the light of this damage caused by the US administration’s unilateralism and disregard for the UN member states’ consensus, it should not be surprising that even a UN picked and endorsed Iraqi interim government is rejected.

On security the president argued that “Coalition forces and the Iraqi people have the same enemies: the terrorists, illegal militia and Saddam loyalists who stand between the Iraqi people and their future as a free nation.” That characterization is optimistic at best and misleading to say the least. There are no indications that the wishes of the Iraqis and the US plans are the same. Even the choice of words shows the ill-will that continues to feed the growing distrust of the US. For instance, terrorism in Iraq did not exist before the war. The only form of terrorism that threatened the Iraqi civilians was state terrorism that was, and still is, practiced by all the tyrants of the region. The Iraqis have adapted to that and learned to deal with it the same way Algerians, the Syrians, the Tunisians, the Egyptians, the Moroccans, the Yemenis, the Sudanese, and all citizens of any Arab country learnt to deal with it.

It is this war that opened another kind of terrorism, lawlessness, and anarchism that the Iraqi people do not know how to deal with and it will take them years before they do. There is no credible evidence that shows a strong presence of “Saddam loyalists” in the ranks of the resistance. If there were any, the US military would not be able to pull out Saddam alive from a “grave” with no one around to protect him or fight for him. Saddam was a lonely man who commanded through fear and intimidation and not through loyalty. More troubling is the curious coining of “illegal militia” as obstacle before a free and democratic Iraq. When we consider that Iraq is an occupied country, and realize that the only laws that exist are those made and enforced by the occupiers, we easily discover the double standard that is causing this administration more headaches. What is exactly a “legal militia” as opposed to an “illegal militia”?

Allow me to translate. Illegal militia is made out of armed groups that are under the influence and leadership of individuals or organizations that oppose the continued occupation of Iraq. A legal militia on the other hand, is also armed group(s) that is commanded by someone other than the occupying forces but that someone is inline with the policies and agenda of the Coalition’s. For example, the Kurdish militia, the Badr Brigade militia, and even the terrorist organization known as mujahidi khalq (terrorist according the US state department might I add) are legal armed groups. The Iraqi people did not chose any of these armed groups and labeled them as “legal’ or “illegal” and therefore the US should not have any authority to legitimize one group and criminalize another. For fairness and for the future of a peaceful and free Iraq, all militia entities should be deemed “illegal” and banned until sovereignty is handed back to the Iraqis or all militia groups are allowed to operate and subjected  to one standard.

Another badge of failure is the-about-face policy in regards to the status and role of Baathists and formers Iraqi army personnel. Right after the fall of Saddam regime, the occupying forces initiated a “debaathification program” designed to uproot all bureaucrats, low and high level leaders from the previous regime. During the siege of Fallujah, and in the absence of a military solution that will not destroy the city, “So we have pursued a different approach. We're making security a shared responsibility in Fallujah. Coalition commanders have worked with local leaders to create an all-Iraqi security force, which is now patrolling the city.” That “all-Iraqi security force” is actually made out of, and commanded by, former Baathists and it is believed that many of the members of that force may in fact be resistance fighters. So either this administration erred when they outlawed every Baathist at first, or they are succumbing to political pressure exerted during an election year and doing the wrong thing against their best judgment. Neither of these possibilities befits a president who wants us to remember him as a “steady leader” and “morally principled” politician. To borrow the president’s own language and logic, the free world should not negotiate with evil and the definition of evil should not be dependent on political stakes, or should it?

The most challenging event of the month is undoubtedly the documented torture and abuse of detainees in the hands of the US and UK troops. To that end, Bush argued that “a new Iraq will also need a humane, well-supervised prison system. Under the dictator, prisons like Abu Ghraib were symbols of death and torture. That same prison became a symbol of disgraceful conduct by a few American troops who dishonored our country and disregarded our values. America will fund the construction of a modern maximum security prison. When that prison is completed, detainees at Abu Ghraib will be relocated. Then with the approval of the Iraqi government, we will demolish the Abu Ghraib Prison as a fitting symbol of Iraq's new beginning.” This administration’s obsession with symbolism can be explained by Bush’s ambitions to be remembered as the greatest president ever. In order to achieve that goal, the president stood on the carrier in military fatigues and proclaimed the end of the war. A year later, Americans and the world are realizing that the war may have actually begun then. As to the abuse and torture in Abu Ghraib, Rumsfeld thought he can calm the storm by banning mobile phones fitted with digital cameras in US army installations in Iraq as reported by The Business newspaper May 24, 2004. Bush on the other hand, is suggesting that the US taxpayers give more money for building a new prison. Maybe detainees there should have AC, cable TV, and McDonald’s shops. Once more, the administration resorts to cosmetics and trivial gimmicks instead of addressing the issues decisively and faithfully. The political, diplomatic, and moral damage suffered by the US can only be repaired by accountability and systematic redress. The US will be better served by firing those responsible and by spending money on creating institutions and educational organizations that promote and protect human rights instead of building another prison or banning the medium that allowed us all to know that abuse and torture were taking place under the watch of civilian and military leadership of the two most powerful nations in the world.

There is no doubt that the US has been governing Iraq via a trial-and-error process. For instance, why is this grand transfer of sovereignty taking place June 30 2004 and not June 30 2003? Why did this administration allow its status to fall from a wanted and appreciated liberation force into a despised and unwanted occupation entity? Why did it have to wait until many good political figures were discredited because of their membership in an ill-devised interim Governing Council? Why did it have to wait until more Iraqi civilians were killed, more prisoners were tortured, more civilians joined the resistance, and more American soldiers were killed?  Why did they have to wait until Fallujah, Karbala, Kufah, and Najaf embraced the resistance and shunned the Coalition forces? The answer to all these questions is simple, the president did not have a vision; and his advisors were more concerned with ideology than with governance.

The last example of unnecessary loss in the political capital of this administration is its support to Israel’s Prime Minister's unilateral disengagement plan. I do not see the logic, the benefit, and the wisdom of throwing the US political prestige behind a plan that was few days later rejected by the Prime Ministers’ own party. Not only did the US political capital lose value, but the needed neutrality and evenhandedness to solve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict have suffered irreparable damage for a move that brought zero return. The least the administration could have done is to wait and see how the Israeli public and the governing party act vis-à-vis the plan before committing to supporting it.

In conclusion, serious lack of clarity, hesitancy, and lack of reasoned decisiveness cannot not be easily repaired by the hired spin machines or the timely speeches delivered before polite audiences. Human rights violations under the watch of the administration and loss of credibility and international support to US are not making America more secure. Any American who loves the freedom to travel around the world will tell you that Americans are less secure. It is not true security when one cannot travel outside his or her country without being threatened by people who used to admire the US values and long for American way of life. The use of force is legitimizing violence and Americans will not feel safe and secure with the images of horror beamed to every home here and around the world. Americans want security above and beyond the borders of Texas and the wall of their homes. They want the sense of safety and security at home and abroad; unfortunately, the formula this administration is proposing is isolating this once great country and reducing it to a symbol of arrogance and callousness.

 
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